Self-Help, Community Organization and Politics: Villa El Salvador, Lima

Skinner, Reinhard. “Self-Help, Community Organization and Politics: Villa El Salvador, Lima,” in Self-Help Housing. Ward, Peter M. ed.

This piece looks at the relationship between the state and community organizations, primarily through the lens of “aided self-help”; that is he claims that the existence of VES is directly linked to reforms enacted by the military dictator, General Juan Velasco. Similar to other authors, especially Lievesley, Skinner claims that the government became involved to co-opt community leaders and gain political support of the squatters; based on the familiar system of clientelismo, the state was responsible for development and the residents were expected to support the state. He reiterates this claim in his conclusion when he states that the “state is never interested solely in the improvement of the living conditions of the poor…” (223). Instead, it seems to be motivated by attempts to control development, to maintain the power structure that supports the state, and to gain profit.

Using the National System of Social Mobilization (SINAMOS) as one example of state intervention, Skinner highlights the problems inherent in self-help development, particularly the difficulties that accompany state involvement. Promoting an anti-imperialist rhetoric, Velasco supported SINAMOS – as well as resources for an electricity station, street lights and other services. These numerous improvements as well as the agreement between state and community on the idea of a “self-managed city” differentiated VES from other squatter settlements. However, he points out that, in general, as improvements increase, the community gains an awareness of its capabilities – a realization that is beneficial for the community, but potentially dangerous for a state that wishes to maintain its power.

Despite the initial convergence between community needs and government rhetoric, after a few years of existence, the state had not only failed to deliver on a number of its promises, but it had also failed to provide structural improvements, such as health, education and industry needs. Additionally, the government refused to recognize the legal status of community organizations that represented VES’s quest for autonomy (such as the Community Bank and CUAVES).

Not surprisingly, the failure and neglect of the state lead to considerable discontent. Interestingly, Skinner points out that it was the concern for programs that would improve the lives of community children that lead many residents to protest. He also states that by 1976, many community leaders felt that they – not the state – had been responsible for local development. Conflicts continued to increase as Bermudez took office and the state decreased its provision of social services. As it did so, the notion of self-help became increasingly relevant to community residents who were forced to compensate for the removal of the state. Additionally, leaders expanded political demands to encompass national policies and also developed relationships with other squatter settlements.

This examination of VES history is perhaps the most interesting and the most problematic in terms of how I viewed it as a “model settlement.” Importantly, Skinner argues that self-help is problematic because it is “subordinate” to the political goals of any government “determined by class interests;” it also risks focusing too narrowly on housing and missing the root causes of poverty. Linking VES to similar settlements, he states that residents are an important resource in recognizing local needs and organizing; but he warns that if the state becomes too involved in development, the community could become apathetic or simply dependent. He also points out that while VES acquired a number of physical improvements in a short period of time, access to these resources was quite costly.

Finally, without dismissing self-help altogether, Skinner argues that it will only succeed if it is accompanied by structural changes in the economic and political system. He does assert that self-help is beneficial in that it represents a local solution (oftentimes the only one) that is not modeled after industrialized countries and offers participation in the political system. Despite this, he does claim that many governments will not allow increased participation in the political structure because this participation is essentially based on challenging the system that causes poverty but supports the state.

Stages of Growth? Women Dealing with the State and Each Other in Peru

Lievesley, Geraldine. “Stages of Growth? – Women Dealing with the State and EachOther in Peru,” in Women and the State. Rai, Shirin M. and Geraldine Lievesley, eds.

This article contains a brief examination of the differences and conflicts between feminist and popular women’s movements. Although its focus is not strictly the community efforts in Villa el Salvador, it does examine the nature and needs of women’s mobilization efforts.

Lievesly claims that the feminist movement, instead of rejecting the strategies of popular women’s movements, must address class, race and survival issues that most Peruvian women face in order to effectively negotiate with the state. Her explanation of the state as something that is not static, but instead responds to pressure and allows openings for women to influence policies is helpful in terms of looking at how women’s movements, such as those in VES must approach and understand the state. She claims that the conflicting views of the state as either liberal democratic (state is neutral and lacks a gender identity) or structuralist (state is a invested in reinforcing class-based, patriarchal structures) must be compromised, as the state seems to contain elements of both. In addition to political theory, Lievesly provides a useful examination of Peruvian political history, including the military rule (1968-1980), the various reform programs introduced by Velasco (1968-1975), the role of Sendero Luminoso and the military and the economic crisis of the 1980s that lead to devastating structural adjustment programs. While my research is not explicitly focused on the political history of Peru, these events are extremely helpful in terms of understanding the socio-political context as well as the nature of women’s relationships with the state.

While the explanation of the political women’s movement, their relationship with political parties and their various attempts at autonomous organization are helpful in terms of contrasting the variations between women’s mobilization efforts, I would like to focus on Lievesley’s analysis of the popular women’s movement. She claims that the system of clientelismo is particularly relevant to popular women. This is a particularly interesting contextualization of the women’s movement, as she claims that poor women are typically subjects of subordination as they receive provisions from the state, Church and other donors; in exchange for these provisions, they must in turn accept “prevailing structures” of inequality. While Lievesley’s interpretation of all philanthropy as self-serving is interesting and valid, I would like to examine the possibility that some degree of genuine altruism does provide at least part of the motivation to become involved.

Much like Cecilia Blondet, Lievesley asserts the impact that practical needs have on pushing women to becoming mobilized and involved in community projects. With the “feminzation of poverty” in the 1970s and the state’s diminishing role as a welfare provider in the 1980s, popular Peruvian women were essentially forced to collectively organize. Much like her interpretation of philanthropic activities, the author claims that President Alan Garcia’s “interventionist populist methods” were aimed primarily at breaking up independent women’s organizations in shanty towns.

In terms of my research, Lievesley’s analysis of women’s work and the difficulties of mobilization is perhaps the most helpful aspect of the reading. Building on Caroline Moser, she asserts that women must balance reproductive (family), productive (income) and community (infrastructure) work. In general, unfamiliarity with “male” institutions, “vulnerability to manipulation” and domestic pressures make it difficult to “break out” of their primary roles and become politically active. This view is particularly helpful in understanding the difficulties and roles that women must balance, however the language used (such as the assumption that all institutions are masculine and women are vulnerable) seems to be a bit problematic, if not exaggerated.

However, in addition to the constraints on women, the author does assert the positive consequences of mobilization to be increased confidence, less passivism and contacts with the public sector. She also claims that the feminist and popular women’s movements should each recognize the need for “multiple forms of struggle.” This speaks to the need for feminists to include the needs of popular women and the need for popular women to take advantage of the long-term strategies employed by feminists. Additionally, as with all women’s activism, she cautions against the Catch 22 of political and institutional involvement: women who interact with institutions must be wary of being “subsumed,” however, if they altogether reject involvement, they risk being distanced from the “socio-political process” that affects the lives of most women. These perspectives are not only important when looking at the activities of women in VES, but it also lends itself to examining the political options, obstacles and relationships that women in the colonias of the U.S.-Mexico border must also face.

The Autobiography of Maria Elena Moyano

Miloslavich Tupac, Diana, ed. The Autobiography of María Elena Moyano.

This reading by Diana Miloslavich Tupac was helpful in that it explained the evolution of female involvement throughout Latin America as well as Peru. The Prologue gives a brief history of female activism, beginning with literary socials in the 1860s. Similar to Blandet, Miloslavich points out the social, intellectual and political aspects of women’s activism; in addition to the creation of a collective identity that began to question patriarchy, the academic women’s movement in the 1970’s was a product of middle class, intellectuals with previous political experience. She also cites a number of growing feminist organizations throughout Lima and Peru in which women became involved with the Human Rights Movement in an effort to challenge military dictatorships. With rising international consensus on the importance of empowering women, the women’s movement in Villa el Salvador (VES) continued to grow into the 1980s; joining co-ops and other social organizations, these women were not only empowered, but also played an important role in the fight against Sendero Luminoso, a violent revolutionary group. Miloslavich also points out that there seems to be a clear link, in the VES case, between levels of female education and democratic development.

While the Prologue provides a definite chronology of the events surrounding women’s involvement in VES, the actual autobiography of Maria Elena Moyano provides a personal glimpse into the struggles and victories of the women’s movement in VES. I had originally thought that the Prologue would contain the most academically relevant information on women in VES, however, the Prologue was written clearly and contains detailed descriptions of the process of mobilizing women in VES.

Moyano had moved to VES in her youth and became active in the establishment of the district’s first informal, early education school. She also helped found and direct a Mother’s Club. Additionally, she was elected deputy mayor of VES and played an enormous role in condemning the violent tactics of Sendero. During a mass demonstration in September of 1991, Moyano was assassinated by senderistas.

According to her autobiography, the women of VES were politically influential and well organized. In addition to being essential in the passage of Bill 24059 (which mandates that the national budget must provide one glass of milk each day to all children), the women of VES convened organizing committees to coordinate communal kitchens and oppose arbitrary conditions imposed by certain philanthropic organizations.

In terms of organizations such as FEPOMUVES and the Vaso de Leche programs, Moyano points out that women recognized the opportunities of participation, created autonomous organizations, sought to understand community needs and challenged manipulation by the state or larger organizations. The communal kitchens highlight the link between individual needs and the development of solidarity; originally established to help families feed their children, the communal kitchens became highly organized methods of dividing work (twelve families constituted one “family kitchen” in which two would alternately take turns with the work/food quota).

Moyano also points out the strain that state politics, such as Fujimori’s economic “shock” program, placed on women’s social organizations. She also claims that churches should not distribute food, because it would impede individuals from learning how to self-govern. Furthermore, she points out the growing participation of women’s organizations in municipal politics, relationships with businesses, and the leadership roles played by women who monitored local vendors. By the time of her death in 1991, there were 1,500 Vaso de Leche committees and 800 communal kitchens throughout VES.

Las mujeres y el poder

Blondet, Cecilia M. Las mujeres y el poder: una historia de Villa el Salvador. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. 1991.

Using a thorough, historical explanation of the beginnings of Villa el Salvador (VES), an overnight “squatter settlement” in Lima, Peru, Blondet uses interviews and research to explore the role that women, the state, the Church and various organizations play in the development – and “improvement” – of VES.

In April of 1971, some 200 families “invaded” an urban neighborhood known as Pamplona; within the next few days, hundreds more arrived, building homes out of recycled metal, cardboard, scraps of wood and other materials. Responding to the new invasion as well as protests of the upper classes, the government decided to relocate the “invaders” and begin a “model city”; for the first time in centuries, the state was actively involved with relocating the settlers as well as providing food and water. Within the first year, community members had organized committees, carried out extensive construction and professionals had helped map out the district.

Blondet clearly emphasizes the importance of state-sponsored and local organization; the Sistema Nacional de Movilización Social (SINAMOS), as well as other organizations, involved community delegates as well as state representatives and even incited some politicians to move to VES. Referring to a chronological analysis of the political climate, Blondet is able to contextualize the origins of VES as politically and organizationally relevant. She also notes the importance of community centers and educational programs that helped mobilize and prepare much of the VES youth for later involvement in community organizations. The notion of “community” as well as the role of Church were directly linked to these educational programs.

Perhaps most relevant to my interest in VES, Blondet provides a detailed analysis of the role that women play in community organization. Not only were the women important in family decision to move from the interior to seek freedom and home-ownership, but they also recognized the need for collective participation in order to improve access to food, education and other public services; Blondet states that this is in part due to the gendered division of work, as men left VES to work in Lima and women stayed home. The Comunidad Urbana Autogestionara de Villa el Salvador (CUAVES), the Manazan and the Grupo Residencial all allowed the women to organize and identify the needs within the community. Interestingly, in order to ensure the weekly participation of community members, families were fined if atleast one member did not attend; despite the leadership role assumed by men, women actually ended up being more present during the assemblies. Despite generational differences, family resentment and an initial lack of confidence, women gaine leadership skills and a collective identity through their increasing involvement in community organizations; it also allowed women to become essential in the development of infrastructure.

In addition to community, religious, non-governmental and international organizations the female group, the Federación Popular de las Mujeres de Villa el Salvador (FEPOMUVES) is a particularly interesting aspect of the development of VES and the leadership played by women. Also, the “comedores” were public kitchens that were created by women in order to provide food for families within VES. Building on such initiatives, the Programa del Vaso de Leche was instrumental in providing a glass of milk to VES children. Of course, women played an important part in the distribution of food and milk, and despite political conflicts, by 1984, some 4,000 women were “organized” in VES. In addition to explaining the constructive efforts of community women, Blodnet also highlights the problems inherent to their involvement; not only did the women have conflicts among themselves, but the intense involvement of state politics as well as the Church proved problematic as well.