Ford, Larry and Ernest Griffin. “A Model of Latin American City Structure.” Geographical Review, Vol. 70, No. 4. (Oct., 1980), pp. 397-442. www.jstor.org
Ford and Griffin’s model of the Latin American city was clear, concise and will easily apply to the research I am doing on self-help housing and community development in Peru and U.S. colonias. Especially interesting is the point the authors make concerning the dichotomy between preindustrial and modern conceptions of urban development. Their new model of Latin American urban structure involves a “dominant elite residential sector and a commercial spine as well as a series of concentric zones in which residential quality decreases with distance from the city center” (Griffin 405). By proposing this new model, they challenge theories that use models of Anglo American urbanization to explain Latin American urbanization. Their emphasis on culturally specific elements as well as institutional differences that shape urban change is particularly interesting.
In order to support their new model, they introduce an historical overview of the development of traditional colonial cities; geometric grid patterns and the mandate of a central plaza were not only instrumental in the physical layout of the city, but they also became directly related to social and economic status. This “relationship between geographical location and social status” (Griffin 399) is particularly interesting because it insists that urban structure and physical distance (elements I had previously seen as disconnected from the social realm) have large social implications.
One implication of the relationship between urban structure and social status involves the expansion of the “downtown” or central business district (CBD) and residential migration. While the authors acknowledge similarities between the development of CBDs in Anglo and Latin America, they contend that increased industrialization in Latin American cities have lead to the fragmentation of traditional social structure, increased pollution and rising costs of central lots. While industrialized sectors in Anglo American cities do not attract the upper classes, in Latin America, the elite are drawn to the services and advanced infrastructure that accompany industrial areas.
In terms of service delivery, Griffin and Ford argue that the high cost of providing urban services translates to extremely unequal patterns of service distribution; instead of multiple areas with extensive urban services, it is generally the wealthy areas that receive services and maintain a close relationship with economically active areas. Combined with the inability” of cities to accommodate rapid growth these factors lead to the development of the commercial spine and elite residential sector.
Surrounding the spine/sector is a series of residential zones that are in direct opposition to the zones in Anglo American cities. According to this new model, these residential areas are classified as either a zone of maturity, a zone of in situ accretion, or a zone of peripheral squatter settlements. Each zone represents a distinct stage in the urbanization process; while the zone of maturity is one in which a stable population has gradually transformed the district into one that is fully serviced, the zone of squatter settlements is characterized by recent migrants and “is the worst section of the city in terms of housing quality and public services” (Griffin 411). Functioning as a transitional zone, that of in situ accretion “has modest residential quality but shows signs of transition to a zone of maturity” (Griffin 409). Portrayed as a three-tier cycle, these three zones will directly relate to my own research. In addition to understanding how Villa El Salvador and the colonias might be classified, I am also interested in the way in which these zones might represent a prescriptive evolution akin to the “old” model that saw Latin American cities as following an Anglo American model of development. Do my particular case studies strictly adhere to this concept of impoverishment, transition and finally maturity? Is it important that certain squatter settlements might take longer to become zones of in situ accretion and zones of maturity? Is it possible for a zone of maturity to contain elements similar to those found in the zone peripheral squatter settlements?
In terms of housing acquisition, the authors differentiate between filtered-down housing and squatter settlements. In addition to providing the basic characteristics of self-help housing, the authors claim that “the older the squatter settlement, the better and more substantial it is” (Griffin 404). This concept of age and development is particularly important as I compare Villa El Salvador with a colonia that is roughly the same age. Why is it that some communities do not improve despite their age? Additionally, the authors classify improvements in squatter settlements as normal – and almost inevitable. How do these settlements become incorporated? Is the process really that “normal,” or does it require a certain confluence of diverse factors?
These questions will hopefully provide a springboard for future investigation. In addition to the questions already posed, I am interested in the way in which the authors use deliberate language to describe urbanization in Latin America. During their explanation of the zone of squatter settlements, the authors used words such as “denuded”, “scavenge,” “fragile,” and “refugee” to describe these sections of the city. While they challenge outsider perceptions of these zones as “wretched” by asserting the way in which residents value their communities and believe in improvement, I am interested in this concept of outsider perceptions and the way it colors research. In fact, the authors continually reference the chaotic impression that cities such as Tijuana give “to the uninitiated observer” (420). The idea that there is more than meets the eye, that these residents see their communities as just that – as a community and not as a squalid zone of squatter settlements – seems to be important in terms of how I got about doing my research, and how I go about presenting my case studies.
The comparison between Anglo and Latin American cities will be helpful not only because it highlights the need to differentiate between the two, but also because it will inform my research of squatter settlements in Peru and the U.S. In addition to wrestling with important differences between the urban development of VES and colonias, I will also have to deal with the fact that the colonias, despite their high percentage of Latin American residents, are part of the Anglo American city structure.
