Latin American Squatter Settlements

Mangin, William. “Latin American Squatter Settlements: A Problem and a Solution. Latin American Research Review, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer, 1967), pp. 65-98. www.jstor.org

Written in 1967, Mangin’s article just barely pre-dates the settlements that I am studying. Despite this, many continue to cite his work, his fellow researcher John F.C. Turner, and his argument that squatter settlements are themselves a solution to the problems caused by rapid urbanization and state inability to provide resources to in-migrants. His view of squatter settlements as “solutions to difficult social problems…[and] as a process of social reconstruction through popular initiative” (67) was controversial at the time of publication and is helpful in thinking about the current state of certain settlements.

In addition to continually dispelling numerous myths about the demographics, crime, politicalization, education and general establishment of squatter settlements, he also explains the nature of organization during the moments of invasion. Higher degrees of organization were generally a reaction to either active opposition from police, or conversely, complete inefficiency on the government’s part. While I am not necessarily focusing on the origins of settlement organization, the initial moments of land invasion are important in terms of thinking about the relationship between the residents and the government as well as the connection among all residents. Interestingly, Mangin states that Lima barriadas (which are now called pueblos jóvenes) actually experienced a disintegration in organization once the community became more integrated. My basic background research with VES seems to disagree; however, it could very well be that over a more extended period of time, say 30 years, the community has perhaps become less “organized.” His brief comments on neighborhood associations were particularly interesting when compared to the reading on María Elena Moyano and Cecilia Blondet’s work. While the latter works point to the efficiency and authority of associations, Mangin claims that despite their ability to receive basic assistance, most associations are unable to enforce rules. Later, he goes on to refute the belief that squatter settlements are merely reproductions of rural community life. Instead, he sees them as being a direct result and part of urban structure.

Linked to this concept of association and social articulation is Mangin’s argument that squatter settlements, unlike central city slums, are actually less alienated from the state and more involved with each other (due to their mutual accomplishments.) Mangin consistently repeats the notion that residents actively participate in a calculated decision-making process; in his later section on social satisfaction, it appears that the majority feel safer and more financially secure in squatter settlements than those who live in slums.

Mangin also refutes marginality theory that squatter settlements are a drain on the national economy. Not only have they solved their own housing problem, but their presence encourages investment in housing and land improvement, strengthens the job market (even if they do informal work), increases small business within the settlement, and provides social capital by facilitating relationships with the state and attracting attention from international aid agencies.

Residents are also very active in economic life; not only do they work (oftentimes in the city), but they also patronize areas of entertainment and utilize public transportation. In addition, residents tend to have higher levels of education than those in their place of origin and are remarkably active in social participation. Somewhat similar to one of Alan Gilbert’s points, Mangin states that “they are compelled to acculturate strategically in order…to defend themselves” (79). As stated above, this view of socialization and organization carries over into his argument that associations are generally mechanisms of defense, not reproductions of rural community life. Towards the end of the article, he makes an interesting argument that most residents tend to be politically conservative. Perhaps even more interesting, however, was his claim that “at present they seem capable of mobilization only as a group to defend their homes” (85). Instead, a majority of residents interviewed in a Lima barriada believed that the solution to their existing problems would only come from external organizations or countries; “only 11 of more than 70 replied that they could do anything to solve their own problems” (85).

Finally, Mangin conclude with a recommendation that clearly appreciates the work and needs of residents in squatter settlements. Instead of eradication or public housing programs, he argues for rehabilitation of existing settlements. While Mangin’s work represents the very beginning of squatter settlement research, it does provide an insightful analysis of how to understand and appreciate the complexities squatter settlements.

A Model of Latin American City Structure

Ford, Larry and Ernest Griffin. “A Model of Latin American City Structure.” Geographical Review, Vol. 70, No. 4. (Oct., 1980), pp. 397-442. www.jstor.org

Ford and Griffin’s model of the Latin American city was clear, concise and will easily apply to the research I am doing on self-help housing and community development in Peru and U.S. colonias. Especially interesting is the point the authors make concerning the dichotomy between preindustrial and modern conceptions of urban development. Their new model of Latin American urban structure involves a “dominant elite residential sector and a commercial spine as well as a series of concentric zones in which residential quality decreases with distance from the city center” (Griffin 405). By proposing this new model, they challenge theories that use models of Anglo American urbanization to explain Latin American urbanization. Their emphasis on culturally specific elements as well as institutional differences that shape urban change is particularly interesting.

In order to support their new model, they introduce an historical overview of the development of traditional colonial cities; geometric grid patterns and the mandate of a central plaza were not only instrumental in the physical layout of the city, but they also became directly related to social and economic status. This “relationship between geographical location and social status” (Griffin 399) is particularly interesting because it insists that urban structure and physical distance (elements I had previously seen as disconnected from the social realm) have large social implications.

One implication of the relationship between urban structure and social status involves the expansion of the “downtown” or central business district (CBD) and residential migration. While the authors acknowledge similarities between the development of CBDs in Anglo and Latin America, they contend that increased industrialization in Latin American cities have lead to the fragmentation of traditional social structure, increased pollution and rising costs of central lots. While industrialized sectors in Anglo American cities do not attract the upper classes, in Latin America, the elite are drawn to the services and advanced infrastructure that accompany industrial areas.

In terms of service delivery, Griffin and Ford argue that the high cost of providing urban services translates to extremely unequal patterns of service distribution; instead of multiple areas with extensive urban services, it is generally the wealthy areas that receive services and maintain a close relationship with economically active areas. Combined with the inability” of cities to accommodate rapid growth these factors lead to the development of the commercial spine and elite residential sector.

Surrounding the spine/sector is a series of residential zones that are in direct opposition to the zones in Anglo American cities. According to this new model, these residential areas are classified as either a zone of maturity, a zone of in situ accretion, or a zone of peripheral squatter settlements. Each zone represents a distinct stage in the urbanization process; while the zone of maturity is one in which a stable population has gradually transformed the district into one that is fully serviced, the zone of squatter settlements is characterized by recent migrants and “is the worst section of the city in terms of housing quality and public services” (Griffin 411). Functioning as a transitional zone, that of in situ accretion “has modest residential quality but shows signs of transition to a zone of maturity” (Griffin 409). Portrayed as a three-tier cycle, these three zones will directly relate to my own research. In addition to understanding how Villa El Salvador and the colonias might be classified, I am also interested in the way in which these zones might represent a prescriptive evolution akin to the “old” model that saw Latin American cities as following an Anglo American model of development. Do my particular case studies strictly adhere to this concept of impoverishment, transition and finally maturity? Is it important that certain squatter settlements might take longer to become zones of in situ accretion and zones of maturity? Is it possible for a zone of maturity to contain elements similar to those found in the zone peripheral squatter settlements?

In terms of housing acquisition, the authors differentiate between filtered-down housing and squatter settlements. In addition to providing the basic characteristics of self-help housing, the authors claim that “the older the squatter settlement, the better and more substantial it is” (Griffin 404). This concept of age and development is particularly important as I compare Villa El Salvador with a colonia that is roughly the same age. Why is it that some communities do not improve despite their age? Additionally, the authors classify improvements in squatter settlements as normal – and almost inevitable. How do these settlements become incorporated? Is the process really that “normal,” or does it require a certain confluence of diverse factors?

These questions will hopefully provide a springboard for future investigation. In addition to the questions already posed, I am interested in the way in which the authors use deliberate language to describe urbanization in Latin America. During their explanation of the zone of squatter settlements, the authors used words such as “denuded”, “scavenge,” “fragile,” and “refugee” to describe these sections of the city. While they challenge outsider perceptions of these zones as “wretched” by asserting the way in which residents value their communities and believe in improvement, I am interested in this concept of outsider perceptions and the way it colors research. In fact, the authors continually reference the chaotic impression that cities such as Tijuana give “to the uninitiated observer” (420). The idea that there is more than meets the eye, that these residents see their communities as just that – as a community and not as a squalid zone of squatter settlements – seems to be important in terms of how I got about doing my research, and how I go about presenting my case studies.

The comparison between Anglo and Latin American cities will be helpful not only because it highlights the need to differentiate between the two, but also because it will inform my research of squatter settlements in Peru and the U.S. In addition to wrestling with important differences between the urban development of VES and colonias, I will also have to deal with the fact that the colonias, despite their high percentage of Latin American residents, are part of the Anglo American city structure.

The Latin American City

Gilbert, Alan. The Latin American City.

Gilbert’s book provides a basic overview of the characteristics of the “Latin American city.” For my purposes, I focused on his chapters concerning urban growth, migration to the city, urban work, housing, urban management, and protest.

According to Gilbert, the majority of Latin American cities “look alike.” Major urban cities were not only colonial centers of administration, but they also tend to be relatively young in terms of rapid urbanization. Urban primacy is another characteristic of many Latin American metropolitan areas; as Gilbert points out, it is important to understand primacy in terms of colonial history as well as current implications. While the shared traits among these cities tend to be very broad (such as the internationalization of consumer tastes and histories of international production), these commonalities should be useful in terms of thinking about the relationship between Lima and a border town in the U.S.

Referencing the 1940s as the beginning of rapid urbanization, Gilbert explains the nature of rural life and the reasons behind migration. Claiming that individuals are better of in the urban cities, he claims that rural-to-urban migration is not a result of dire necessity, but rather a matter of calculated choice. Furthermore, young women and individuals with higher levels of education tend to be among those who migrate the most often. Contrary to Gilbert’s assertion that migrants are educated and adaptable, many officials during the 1950s saw the new migrants as “displaced persons” and worried about dealing with their incorporation into urban life. While I appreciate Gilbert’s interpretation of migrant agency and adaptability, I question his claim that migrants learn Spanish and change their style of dress because there is not other alternative; it seems as if he is accepting this rejection of traditional culture as a wholly positive change.

Also, in terms of my focus on social mobilization and protest, he claims that historically migrants did not aim to riot nor did they want to “cause trouble.” Instead, they were politically conservative and wanted “to be inconspicuous.” He goes on to address this issue of urban protest in chapter seven, where he attempts to explain why the urban poor tend to be relatively passive in terms of protest. Conservative community attitudes, the time-consuming nature of political participation, domestic obligations and the fact that most communities tend to become less homogenous as they develop are all factors. He also points to the presence of clientelism, government co-optation of community leaders and repression as additional reasons behind limited protest. These concepts are helpful in terms of thinking about why and how community members organize and petition within Villa El Salvador and the colonias. Furthermore, Gilbert mentions a number of important theorists, such as Manuel Castell, Alejandro Portes and Michael Johns and Burns, who will be helpful in looking at the development of opposition groups as well as the changing attitudes towards social movements within Latin American cities.

Gilbert’s section on urban work was helpful in that it introduced concepts such as the theories of tertiarisation, marginality and over-urbanization. In addition to describing the mutual dependence between the formal and informal sectors, he addresses the gendered division of jobs and the undervaluation of women’s work.

Perhaps most directly linked to my research, chapter five on urban housing provides a detailed history of home ownership and the evolution of self-help housing in Latin America. Much like other researchers, Gilbert cites insufficient housing stock, poverty, unequal wealth distribution and the monopolization of land as factors that lead to self-help housing. However, he highlights the complexity – and uniqueness – of self-help housing in Latin America by pointing out that the poor in other developing cities (in West Africa and India) tend to rent instead of constructing their own homes. In order to make sense of this difference, one must include the development of mass transportation, changing attitudes of Latin American governments towards informal methods of land occupation and the increasing ability of the state to provide advanced services and infrastructure. In addition to these interpretations of self-help housing in Latin America, Gilbert addresses the debate about self-help housing as either a solution or exploitation. I plan on researching theorists such as Charles Abrams, William Mangin and John Turner who argue that self-help housing works, as well as individuals who argue for a deeper, more severe restructuring of society such as Burgess and Pradilla.

Introduction to Capstone Project

Introduction

Self-Help, Community Organization and Politics: Villa El Salvador, Lima

Skinner, Reinhard. “Self-Help, Community Organization and Politics: Villa El Salvador, Lima,” in Self-Help Housing. Ward, Peter M. ed.

This piece looks at the relationship between the state and community organizations, primarily through the lens of “aided self-help”; that is he claims that the existence of VES is directly linked to reforms enacted by the military dictator, General Juan Velasco. Similar to other authors, especially Lievesley, Skinner claims that the government became involved to co-opt community leaders and gain political support of the squatters; based on the familiar system of clientelismo, the state was responsible for development and the residents were expected to support the state. He reiterates this claim in his conclusion when he states that the “state is never interested solely in the improvement of the living conditions of the poor…” (223). Instead, it seems to be motivated by attempts to control development, to maintain the power structure that supports the state, and to gain profit.

Using the National System of Social Mobilization (SINAMOS) as one example of state intervention, Skinner highlights the problems inherent in self-help development, particularly the difficulties that accompany state involvement. Promoting an anti-imperialist rhetoric, Velasco supported SINAMOS – as well as resources for an electricity station, street lights and other services. These numerous improvements as well as the agreement between state and community on the idea of a “self-managed city” differentiated VES from other squatter settlements. However, he points out that, in general, as improvements increase, the community gains an awareness of its capabilities – a realization that is beneficial for the community, but potentially dangerous for a state that wishes to maintain its power.

Despite the initial convergence between community needs and government rhetoric, after a few years of existence, the state had not only failed to deliver on a number of its promises, but it had also failed to provide structural improvements, such as health, education and industry needs. Additionally, the government refused to recognize the legal status of community organizations that represented VES’s quest for autonomy (such as the Community Bank and CUAVES).

Not surprisingly, the failure and neglect of the state lead to considerable discontent. Interestingly, Skinner points out that it was the concern for programs that would improve the lives of community children that lead many residents to protest. He also states that by 1976, many community leaders felt that they – not the state – had been responsible for local development. Conflicts continued to increase as Bermudez took office and the state decreased its provision of social services. As it did so, the notion of self-help became increasingly relevant to community residents who were forced to compensate for the removal of the state. Additionally, leaders expanded political demands to encompass national policies and also developed relationships with other squatter settlements.

This examination of VES history is perhaps the most interesting and the most problematic in terms of how I viewed it as a “model settlement.” Importantly, Skinner argues that self-help is problematic because it is “subordinate” to the political goals of any government “determined by class interests;” it also risks focusing too narrowly on housing and missing the root causes of poverty. Linking VES to similar settlements, he states that residents are an important resource in recognizing local needs and organizing; but he warns that if the state becomes too involved in development, the community could become apathetic or simply dependent. He also points out that while VES acquired a number of physical improvements in a short period of time, access to these resources was quite costly.

Finally, without dismissing self-help altogether, Skinner argues that it will only succeed if it is accompanied by structural changes in the economic and political system. He does assert that self-help is beneficial in that it represents a local solution (oftentimes the only one) that is not modeled after industrialized countries and offers participation in the political system. Despite this, he does claim that many governments will not allow increased participation in the political structure because this participation is essentially based on challenging the system that causes poverty but supports the state.

Stages of Growth? Women Dealing with the State and Each Other in Peru

Lievesley, Geraldine. “Stages of Growth? – Women Dealing with the State and EachOther in Peru,” in Women and the State. Rai, Shirin M. and Geraldine Lievesley, eds.

This article contains a brief examination of the differences and conflicts between feminist and popular women’s movements. Although its focus is not strictly the community efforts in Villa el Salvador, it does examine the nature and needs of women’s mobilization efforts.

Lievesly claims that the feminist movement, instead of rejecting the strategies of popular women’s movements, must address class, race and survival issues that most Peruvian women face in order to effectively negotiate with the state. Her explanation of the state as something that is not static, but instead responds to pressure and allows openings for women to influence policies is helpful in terms of looking at how women’s movements, such as those in VES must approach and understand the state. She claims that the conflicting views of the state as either liberal democratic (state is neutral and lacks a gender identity) or structuralist (state is a invested in reinforcing class-based, patriarchal structures) must be compromised, as the state seems to contain elements of both. In addition to political theory, Lievesly provides a useful examination of Peruvian political history, including the military rule (1968-1980), the various reform programs introduced by Velasco (1968-1975), the role of Sendero Luminoso and the military and the economic crisis of the 1980s that lead to devastating structural adjustment programs. While my research is not explicitly focused on the political history of Peru, these events are extremely helpful in terms of understanding the socio-political context as well as the nature of women’s relationships with the state.

While the explanation of the political women’s movement, their relationship with political parties and their various attempts at autonomous organization are helpful in terms of contrasting the variations between women’s mobilization efforts, I would like to focus on Lievesley’s analysis of the popular women’s movement. She claims that the system of clientelismo is particularly relevant to popular women. This is a particularly interesting contextualization of the women’s movement, as she claims that poor women are typically subjects of subordination as they receive provisions from the state, Church and other donors; in exchange for these provisions, they must in turn accept “prevailing structures” of inequality. While Lievesley’s interpretation of all philanthropy as self-serving is interesting and valid, I would like to examine the possibility that some degree of genuine altruism does provide at least part of the motivation to become involved.

Much like Cecilia Blondet, Lievesley asserts the impact that practical needs have on pushing women to becoming mobilized and involved in community projects. With the “feminzation of poverty” in the 1970s and the state’s diminishing role as a welfare provider in the 1980s, popular Peruvian women were essentially forced to collectively organize. Much like her interpretation of philanthropic activities, the author claims that President Alan Garcia’s “interventionist populist methods” were aimed primarily at breaking up independent women’s organizations in shanty towns.

In terms of my research, Lievesley’s analysis of women’s work and the difficulties of mobilization is perhaps the most helpful aspect of the reading. Building on Caroline Moser, she asserts that women must balance reproductive (family), productive (income) and community (infrastructure) work. In general, unfamiliarity with “male” institutions, “vulnerability to manipulation” and domestic pressures make it difficult to “break out” of their primary roles and become politically active. This view is particularly helpful in understanding the difficulties and roles that women must balance, however the language used (such as the assumption that all institutions are masculine and women are vulnerable) seems to be a bit problematic, if not exaggerated.

However, in addition to the constraints on women, the author does assert the positive consequences of mobilization to be increased confidence, less passivism and contacts with the public sector. She also claims that the feminist and popular women’s movements should each recognize the need for “multiple forms of struggle.” This speaks to the need for feminists to include the needs of popular women and the need for popular women to take advantage of the long-term strategies employed by feminists. Additionally, as with all women’s activism, she cautions against the Catch 22 of political and institutional involvement: women who interact with institutions must be wary of being “subsumed,” however, if they altogether reject involvement, they risk being distanced from the “socio-political process” that affects the lives of most women. These perspectives are not only important when looking at the activities of women in VES, but it also lends itself to examining the political options, obstacles and relationships that women in the colonias of the U.S.-Mexico border must also face.

The Autobiography of Maria Elena Moyano

Miloslavich Tupac, Diana, ed. The Autobiography of María Elena Moyano.

This reading by Diana Miloslavich Tupac was helpful in that it explained the evolution of female involvement throughout Latin America as well as Peru. The Prologue gives a brief history of female activism, beginning with literary socials in the 1860s. Similar to Blandet, Miloslavich points out the social, intellectual and political aspects of women’s activism; in addition to the creation of a collective identity that began to question patriarchy, the academic women’s movement in the 1970’s was a product of middle class, intellectuals with previous political experience. She also cites a number of growing feminist organizations throughout Lima and Peru in which women became involved with the Human Rights Movement in an effort to challenge military dictatorships. With rising international consensus on the importance of empowering women, the women’s movement in Villa el Salvador (VES) continued to grow into the 1980s; joining co-ops and other social organizations, these women were not only empowered, but also played an important role in the fight against Sendero Luminoso, a violent revolutionary group. Miloslavich also points out that there seems to be a clear link, in the VES case, between levels of female education and democratic development.

While the Prologue provides a definite chronology of the events surrounding women’s involvement in VES, the actual autobiography of Maria Elena Moyano provides a personal glimpse into the struggles and victories of the women’s movement in VES. I had originally thought that the Prologue would contain the most academically relevant information on women in VES, however, the Prologue was written clearly and contains detailed descriptions of the process of mobilizing women in VES.

Moyano had moved to VES in her youth and became active in the establishment of the district’s first informal, early education school. She also helped found and direct a Mother’s Club. Additionally, she was elected deputy mayor of VES and played an enormous role in condemning the violent tactics of Sendero. During a mass demonstration in September of 1991, Moyano was assassinated by senderistas.

According to her autobiography, the women of VES were politically influential and well organized. In addition to being essential in the passage of Bill 24059 (which mandates that the national budget must provide one glass of milk each day to all children), the women of VES convened organizing committees to coordinate communal kitchens and oppose arbitrary conditions imposed by certain philanthropic organizations.

In terms of organizations such as FEPOMUVES and the Vaso de Leche programs, Moyano points out that women recognized the opportunities of participation, created autonomous organizations, sought to understand community needs and challenged manipulation by the state or larger organizations. The communal kitchens highlight the link between individual needs and the development of solidarity; originally established to help families feed their children, the communal kitchens became highly organized methods of dividing work (twelve families constituted one “family kitchen” in which two would alternately take turns with the work/food quota).

Moyano also points out the strain that state politics, such as Fujimori’s economic “shock” program, placed on women’s social organizations. She also claims that churches should not distribute food, because it would impede individuals from learning how to self-govern. Furthermore, she points out the growing participation of women’s organizations in municipal politics, relationships with businesses, and the leadership roles played by women who monitored local vendors. By the time of her death in 1991, there were 1,500 Vaso de Leche committees and 800 communal kitchens throughout VES.

Las mujeres y el poder

Blondet, Cecilia M. Las mujeres y el poder: una historia de Villa el Salvador. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. 1991.

Using a thorough, historical explanation of the beginnings of Villa el Salvador (VES), an overnight “squatter settlement” in Lima, Peru, Blondet uses interviews and research to explore the role that women, the state, the Church and various organizations play in the development – and “improvement” – of VES.

In April of 1971, some 200 families “invaded” an urban neighborhood known as Pamplona; within the next few days, hundreds more arrived, building homes out of recycled metal, cardboard, scraps of wood and other materials. Responding to the new invasion as well as protests of the upper classes, the government decided to relocate the “invaders” and begin a “model city”; for the first time in centuries, the state was actively involved with relocating the settlers as well as providing food and water. Within the first year, community members had organized committees, carried out extensive construction and professionals had helped map out the district.

Blondet clearly emphasizes the importance of state-sponsored and local organization; the Sistema Nacional de Movilización Social (SINAMOS), as well as other organizations, involved community delegates as well as state representatives and even incited some politicians to move to VES. Referring to a chronological analysis of the political climate, Blondet is able to contextualize the origins of VES as politically and organizationally relevant. She also notes the importance of community centers and educational programs that helped mobilize and prepare much of the VES youth for later involvement in community organizations. The notion of “community” as well as the role of Church were directly linked to these educational programs.

Perhaps most relevant to my interest in VES, Blondet provides a detailed analysis of the role that women play in community organization. Not only were the women important in family decision to move from the interior to seek freedom and home-ownership, but they also recognized the need for collective participation in order to improve access to food, education and other public services; Blondet states that this is in part due to the gendered division of work, as men left VES to work in Lima and women stayed home. The Comunidad Urbana Autogestionara de Villa el Salvador (CUAVES), the Manazan and the Grupo Residencial all allowed the women to organize and identify the needs within the community. Interestingly, in order to ensure the weekly participation of community members, families were fined if atleast one member did not attend; despite the leadership role assumed by men, women actually ended up being more present during the assemblies. Despite generational differences, family resentment and an initial lack of confidence, women gaine leadership skills and a collective identity through their increasing involvement in community organizations; it also allowed women to become essential in the development of infrastructure.

In addition to community, religious, non-governmental and international organizations the female group, the Federación Popular de las Mujeres de Villa el Salvador (FEPOMUVES) is a particularly interesting aspect of the development of VES and the leadership played by women. Also, the “comedores” were public kitchens that were created by women in order to provide food for families within VES. Building on such initiatives, the Programa del Vaso de Leche was instrumental in providing a glass of milk to VES children. Of course, women played an important part in the distribution of food and milk, and despite political conflicts, by 1984, some 4,000 women were “organized” in VES. In addition to explaining the constructive efforts of community women, Blodnet also highlights the problems inherent to their involvement; not only did the women have conflicts among themselves, but the intense involvement of state politics as well as the Church proved problematic as well.